{"id":12921,"date":"2023-01-09T08:41:40","date_gmt":"2023-01-09T07:41:40","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/blog.prif.org\/22-years-of-resolution-1325-kosovo\/"},"modified":"2023-01-09T08:41:40","modified_gmt":"2023-01-09T07:41:40","slug":"22-years-of-resolution-1325-kosovo","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/blog.prif.org\/en\/2023\/01\/09\/22-years-of-resolution-1325-kosovo\/","title":{"rendered":"22 Years of Resolution 1325: Kosovo Women\u2019s Voices Remain Absent from the Dialogue between Kosovo and Serbia"},"content":{"rendered":"

On October 31, 2000, the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) adopted Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace, and Security (WPS), recognizing the different needs and roles of women and girls during conflicts. By that time, Kosovo was one of the post-war contexts where the resolution would apply immediately. This blog article highlights the advocacy efforts of Kosovo feminist activists to include women and their needs in negotiations and dialogue, framing the discussing through the lens of Resolution 1325 and the resistance faced by actors from the international community involved in the process.<\/strong><\/p>\n

Women in Kosovo and other post-war contexts are used to hearing claims of commitments to deal with \u201cwomen\u2019s issues\u201d after wars, conflicts, and political processes come to an end. Since 2003, Kosovo has gone through several rounds of negotiations and dialogue with Serbia, aiming to resolve issues that derived from the war of 1998-1999. International actors, namely the United Nations (UN), the United States, and the European Union (EU), were involved as mediators in the negotiations and dialogue. Despite a public stand upon values of freedom and equality, these actors did not make it any easier than the local leaders to include women and their needs in negotiations and dialogue, despite the continuous advocacy efforts by Kosovo women\u2019s rights activists. The ongoing EU-mediated dialogue between Kosovo and Serbia, which aims for the normalization of relations between the two countries and to improve people\u2019s everyday life, remains dominated by men. Women\u2019s priorities continue to be relegated to the margins.<\/p>\n

From Center to the Margins<\/h2>\n

Women in Kosovo played a crucial role during the peaceful resistance in the 1990s, especially in bringing international attention<\/a> to human rights violations by the Serbian state. Following the end of the war in 1999, UNSC Resolution 1244 mandated the United Nations Interim Administration Mission (UNMIK) with the jurisdiction of Kosovo, whose authority ended with Kosovo\u2019s independence in 2008. UNMIK ignored Kosovo women\u2019s contribution, historical and cultural contexts, as well as Resolution 1325. The mission followed a top-down approach in state-building, leaving out local voices, characterized as a rather liberal approach to peacebuilding (Visoka<\/a>, 2017).<\/p>\n

Despite the resolution\u2019s calls for women\u2019s participation in the UN and other international missions working in peace and security, UNMIK failed to meet its demands even in its own organizational structures, where men occupied most of the leadership positions. Table 1 shows only a marginal increase of women in decision-making positions within international missions in Kosovo in the second decade of 1325 adoption. The unequal representation of women and men in their own organisational structures reflects international missions\u2019 willingness to support gender mainstreaming at the national level. This approach relegated women to the margins as well as homogenized Kosovo society as patriarchal. Alongside its liberal idea of state intervention, UNMIK\u2019s approach was highly patriarchal, deciding to communicate with men only. This prompted feminist activists in Kosovo to mobilise.<\/p>\n

Table 1. Women’s Share of Senior Positions in Missions to Kosovo<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n
Position<\/strong><\/th>\n2011<\/strong><\/th>\n2020<\/strong><\/th>\n<\/tr>\n
Women<\/strong><\/th>\nMen<\/strong><\/th>\nWomen<\/strong><\/th>\nMen<\/strong><\/th>\n<\/tr>\n
UNMIK SRSGs<\/th>\n0
\n0%<\/th>\n		9
\n100%<\/th>\n		0
\n0%<\/th>\n		10
\n100%<\/th>\n<\/tr>\n
OSCE Heads<\/th>\n0
\n0%<\/span><\/th>\n		5
\n100%<\/th>\n		0
\n0%<\/th>\n		8
\n100%<\/th>\n<\/tr>\n
EU Heads of Mission in Kosovo<\/th>\n0
\n0%<\/span><\/th>\n		4
\n100%<\/th>\n		1
\n14.3%<\/th>\n		6
\n85.7%<\/th>\n<\/tr>\n
ICO Heads (ended in 2012)<\/th>\n0
\n0%<\/span><\/th>\n		1
\n100%<\/th>\n		<\/th>\n<\/th>\n<\/tr>\n
KFOR Commanders<\/th>\n0
\n0%<\/span><\/th>\n		16
\n100%<\/span><\/th>\n		0
\n0%<\/th>\n		23
\n100%<\/th>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n

Source: Facts and Fables<\/a>, 2022<\/em><\/p>\n

Women activists started formally networking and utilising Resolution 1325 as an advocacy tool to call for including women and their needs in decision-making. Seeking to amplify women\u2019s demands, women activists established the Kosovo Women\u2019s Network<\/a> (KWN), today a network of 194 women\u2019s rights organisations from Kosovo. They have been requesting meaningful participation of women in decision-making as well as advocating for strengthening legal framework to ensure women\u2019s protection from and prevention of sexual and gender-based violence, among others.<\/p>\n

Two decades after its adoption, the general alignment of Kosovo\u2019s legal framework with international standards has been identified<\/a> as considerable progress towards the implementation of Resolution 1325. However, the lack of implementation hinders the resolution\u2019s full implementation, as the prevalence of domestic violence, economic inequalities, and the underrepresentation of women in political decision-making persist. The latter also applies to peacebuilding efforts, such as the dialogue between Kosovo and Serbia, which to this day remains gender-blind. Although absent from the dialogue table, diverse women from Kosovo have their own perspectives and demands on the ongoing political process.<\/p>\n

The 2021 KWN research report<\/a> revealed the needs and priorities of diverse women regarding the dialogue. When asked what they would bring to the table, women pointed to issues related to dealing with the past and transitional justice that remain unaddressed more than two decades after the end of the war. They brought up the unresolved issue of missing persons, the lack of justice for survivors of sexual violence and the urge for payment of reparations for the violence perpetrated, to name a few. Local scholars (Visoka, 2017) note that social reconciliation and dealing with the past remain grim in the current dialogue unless it follows a bottom-up approach by including victim recognition and commemorations, identification of missing persons’ bodies, and material compensation for survivors.<\/p>\n

Although the EU-facilitated dialogue aims to improve people\u2019s everyday lives, the everyday life of survivors of sexual violence and people who lived through the war is connected to the past. Their wounds remain open as justice has not been served yet.<\/p>\n

Women in Negotiations and Dialogue \u2013 A Story of Women<\/strong>\u2019<\/strong>s Exclusion<\/strong><\/h2>\n

In 2005, Marti Ahtisaari, special envoy of the UN, presided over the first after-war peace talks between Kosovo and Serbia to determine the future of Kosovo\u2019s status. Both negotiating teams consisted of men, while Ahtisaari proved to be much like most of the international community in Kosovo, refusing to implement Resolution 1325 and have women\u2019s priorities included in the talks. Once again, feminist activists refer to such behavior as linked to the stereotypical view of Kosovo society as traditional and patriarchal.<\/p>\n

Experiencing exclusion from the talks on the final status, women started mobilising regionally. They sent joint advocacy letters \u2013 highlighting the needs and demands of women on both sides, took to the streets, and conducted symbolic actions. On International Women\u2019s Day in 2006, KWN in Kosovo and Women in Black Network in Serbia, as part of the Women\u2019s Peace Coalition<\/a>, simultaneously launched two protests, one in Prishtina and another in Belgrade with the same request: Implementation of Resolution 1325 in the negotiations (picture above). However, the patriarchal shield around the peace talks was too resistant to women\u2019s voices, and the involvement of women as working group members was insufficient to include either women\u2019s needs or Resolution 1325 in the Comprehensive Proposal for the Kosovo Final Status.<\/p>\n

In 2011, Kosovo started a new phase of technical dialogue with Serbia. Edita Tahiri, who was part of the peace negotiations between the former Yugoslavia and Kosovo in 1999, now served as chief negotiator. Over the span of six years, issues such as sexual violence and other war damages that women considered important, remained absent from the dialogue, while the issue of missing persons was discussed once<\/a>. Tahiri\u2019s actions give credence to arguments that women\u2019s representation does not necessarily influence negotiations (Paffenholz, Th., 2016). Some attributed the dearth of issues that concern women to the technical nature of the dialogue (KWN, 2022<\/a>). Tahiri herself explained that she proposed the issue of missing persons, which did not become part of the agenda due to Serbia\u2019s refusal. Women\u2019s participation in working groups also remained low, as only 16 percent of the participants were women (KWN, 2022). Even the EU as a mediator did not do enough to ensure the dialogue is based on equality, one of its core values.<\/p>\n

Where are Women in the EU-facilitated Dialogue between Kosovo and Serbia? <\/strong><\/h2>\n

The European Union has been facilitating the dialogue for the normalisation of relations between Kosovo and Serbia since 2011. Having two women holding senior positions of EU Representatives for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy (Catherine Ashton and Federica Mogherini) through 2019 did not make the EU a gender-equality champion in the political dialogue.<\/p>\n

On paper, the EU aligns its legal framework with Resolution 1325 and its sister resolutions, but it lacks implementation on the ground. In April 2020, the EU mandated Miroslav Laj\u010d\u00e1k to facilitate the dialogue on a comprehensive normalisation agreement between Kosovo and Serbia. Since then, meetings with women\u2019s civil society organisations (WCSOs) and attention to their needs have been absent from his schedule. In his response to the KWN\u2019s many advocacy letters calling for the inclusion of women\u2019s priorities in the dialogue, Laj\u010d\u00e1k tossed the responsibility to two parties involved in negotiations as responsible for agenda setting. Regarding participation, Laj\u010d\u00e1k emphasised that the responsibility does not lie with the EU to choose the interlocutors. Such an approach conflicts with the EU\u2019s Comprehensive<\/a> Approach to implement Resolution 1325, which commits to \u201cintegrate women, peace and security issues in its political and policy dialogue with partner governments, particularly of countries affected by armed conflict, in post-conflict situations or situations of fragility\u201d (p.11).<\/p>\n

Feminist scholars argue that institutions may find gender mainstreaming threatening and irrelevant to their main mission, which leads them to apply only superficial gender interventions (True & Parisi, 2013 in Ansorg, N., Haastrup, T<\/a>., 2018). In the context of the Kosovo-Serbia dialogue, both the EU and the parties involved remain largely indifferent to mainstreaming gender.<\/p>\n

During the WPS Forum hosted by the President of Kosovo in October 2022, Laj\u010d\u00e1k emphasised<\/a> the \u201cneed for more women at the negotiation table\u201d. Yet, given his position as a facilitator, Laj\u010d\u00e1k refuses to meet with women and listen to their demands. This shows how empty words exclude women\u2019s needs both from the dialogue and from a potential final agreement between Kosovo and Serbia.<\/p>\n

With Russia\u2019s recent war in Ukraine and Serbia\u2019s government refusing to condemn the illegal invasion, the EU is pushing for an eventual agreement between Kosovo and Serbia to be concluded soon. An ideal final agreement would normalise relations as well as put an end to Russian influence in the Western Balkans. Following the Berlin Process Summit in November 2022, a German-French proposal<\/a> for a potential final agreement was leaked to the public. The 9-Article proposal consists of only general provisions that two parties need to agree to, lacking a gender perspective or dealing with the past as part of the end goal for the normalisation of relations. By excluding the need to address the past, such an agreement impedes a lasting and sustainable peace.<\/p>\n

Conclusion<\/strong><\/h2>\n

Considering it a timely issue, this blog focused on the meaningful participation of women and their needs in negotiations and dialogue. Having women at the table should not be considered an end goal without ensuring that women\u2019s needs are addressed in the present. Therefore, parties involved in the dialogue are invited to include issues that women consider important for a lasting peace in Kosovo and beyond, such as the issue of missing persons, the justice for survivors of sexual violence and the payment of reparations for the violence perpetrated. Considering women\u2019s and gender issues apart from any political process hinders the opportunity to achieve long-lasting and sustainable peace and security.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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By that time, Kosovo was one of the post-war contexts where the resolution would apply immediately. 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PRIF BLOG","isPartOf":{"@id":"https:\/\/blog.prif.org\/en\/#website"},"primaryImageOfPage":{"@id":"https:\/\/blog.prif.org\/en\/2023\/01\/09\/22-years-of-resolution-1325-kosovo\/#primaryimage"},"image":{"@id":"https:\/\/blog.prif.org\/en\/2023\/01\/09\/22-years-of-resolution-1325-kosovo\/#primaryimage"},"thumbnailUrl":"https:\/\/blog.prif.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/01\/1325_Igo_ohne-Banner.png","datePublished":"2023-01-09T07:41:40+00:00","breadcrumb":{"@id":"https:\/\/blog.prif.org\/en\/2023\/01\/09\/22-years-of-resolution-1325-kosovo\/#breadcrumb"},"inLanguage":"en-US","potentialAction":[{"@type":"ReadAction","target":["https:\/\/blog.prif.org\/en\/2023\/01\/09\/22-years-of-resolution-1325-kosovo\/"]}]},{"@type":"ImageObject","inLanguage":"en-US","@id":"https:\/\/blog.prif.org\/en\/2023\/01\/09\/22-years-of-resolution-1325-kosovo\/#primaryimage","url":"https:\/\/blog.prif.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/01\/1325_Igo_ohne-Banner.png","contentUrl":"https:\/\/blog.prif.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/01\/1325_Igo_ohne-Banner.png","width":1875,"height":1024,"caption":"On 8 March 2006, women\u2019s rights activists hang a banner outside the Assembly and government building in Prishtina, recalling their right to participate in negotiations, as per UNSCR 1325. | Photo: \u00a9 KWN (personal editing)"},{"@type":"BreadcrumbList","@id":"https:\/\/blog.prif.org\/en\/2023\/01\/09\/22-years-of-resolution-1325-kosovo\/#breadcrumb","itemListElement":[{"@type":"ListItem","position":1,"name":"Startseite","item":"https:\/\/blog.prif.org\/en\/"},{"@type":"ListItem","position":2,"name":"22 Years of Resolution 1325: Kosovo Women\u2019s Voices Remain Absent from the Dialogue between Kosovo and Serbia"}]},{"@type":"WebSite","@id":"https:\/\/blog.prif.org\/en\/#website","url":"https:\/\/blog.prif.org\/en\/","name":"PRIF BLOG","description":"Peace Research Institute Frankfurt \/ Leibniz Institut Hessische Stiftung Friedens- und Konfliktforschung","publisher":{"@id":"https:\/\/blog.prif.org\/en\/#organization"},"potentialAction":[{"@type":"SearchAction","target":{"@type":"EntryPoint","urlTemplate":"https:\/\/blog.prif.org\/en\/?s={search_term_string}"},"query-input":{"@type":"PropertyValueSpecification","valueRequired":true,"valueName":"search_term_string"}}],"inLanguage":"en-US"},{"@type":"Organization","@id":"https:\/\/blog.prif.org\/en\/#organization","name":"Peace Research Institute Frankfurt \/ Leibniz Institut Hessische Stiftung Friedens- und Konfliktforschung","url":"https:\/\/blog.prif.org\/en\/","logo":{"@type":"ImageObject","inLanguage":"en-US","@id":"https:\/\/blog.prif.org\/en\/#\/schema\/logo\/image\/","url":"https:\/\/blog.prif.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/09\/cropped-blog_rgb.png","contentUrl":"https:\/\/blog.prif.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/09\/cropped-blog_rgb.png","width":750,"height":226,"caption":"Peace Research Institute Frankfurt \/ Leibniz Institut Hessische Stiftung Friedens- und Konfliktforschung"},"image":{"@id":"https:\/\/blog.prif.org\/en\/#\/schema\/logo\/image\/"},"sameAs":["https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/HSFK.PRIF","https:\/\/x.com\/HSFK_PRIF","https:\/\/www.linkedin.com\/company\/8912786\/"]},{"@type":"Person","@id":"https:\/\/blog.prif.org\/en\/#\/schema\/person\/7260aef1f85122aae46e371f5ade39b3","name":"Majlinda Behrami","description":"Majlinda Behrami war Forschungspraktikantin am Programmbereich \u201eInternationale Sicherheit\u201c der HSFK. Sie befindet sich derzeit im zweiten Jahr ihres Masterstudiums an der Willy Brandt School of Public Policy, Universit\u00e4t Erfurt. Ihre Forschungsschwerpunkte sind die Agenda Frauen, Frieden und Sicherheit, R\u00fcstungskontrolle und M\u00e4nnlichkeit. \/\/ Majlinda Behrami was a research intern at PRIF in the department \u201cInternational Security\u201d. She is currently in her second year of master\u2019s studies at the Willy Brandt School of Public Policy, University of Erfurt. Her research focuses on the Women, Peace and Security Agenda, arms control, and masculinities.","url":"https:\/\/blog.prif.org\/en\/author\/mbehrami\/"}]}},"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/blog.prif.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/12921","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/blog.prif.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/blog.prif.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blog.prif.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/296"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blog.prif.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=12921"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/blog.prif.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/12921\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blog.prif.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/12673"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/blog.prif.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=12921"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blog.prif.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=12921"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blog.prif.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=12921"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blog.prif.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/coauthors?post=12921"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}