{"id":13307,"date":"2019-09-24T14:33:43","date_gmt":"2019-09-24T12:33:43","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/blog.prif.org\/turkey-and-the-so-called-armenian-genocide-the-politics-of-denial-in-european-and-domestic-affairs\/"},"modified":"2019-09-24T14:33:43","modified_gmt":"2019-09-24T12:33:43","slug":"turkey-and-the-so-called-armenian-genocide-the-politics-of-denial-in-european-and-domestic-affairs","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/blog.prif.org\/en\/2019\/09\/24\/turkey-and-the-so-called-armenian-genocide-the-politics-of-denial-in-european-and-domestic-affairs\/","title":{"rendered":"Turkey and the \u201cso-called\u201d Armenian Genocide: the politics of denial in European and domestic affairs"},"content":{"rendered":"

The Armenian Genocide or, as it is labelled in mainstream Turkish discourse, the \u201cso-called Genocide,\u201d continues to fuel political tensions, both internationally and at home. Use of the G-word by governments worldwide invariably provokes a reaction from Ankara, whose genocide denial continues to shape and colour Turkish foreign policy as well as domestic matters. Strikingly enough, however, the most important institution of the Armenians in Turkey has also participated in the politics of denial in recent years. How do the politics of such genocide recognition and denial play out, and what do they imply?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Currently, the Armenian Community of Turkey is preparing for the election of a new Patriarch. The elected Patriarch, Mesrob II, who died earlier in 2019, fell ill in 2008 and could no longer exercise the office. As a representative, General Vicar Aram Ate\u015fyan was the acting Patriarch until July 2019. He maintained close relations with the Turkish government and was often criticized by the Armenian community for being a tool in Turkish government propaganda<\/a>; in 2016, Aram Ate\u015fyan supported Erdo\u011fan who criticised the German parliament for its Armenian Genocide resolution<\/a>. When the Patriarchate also declared support for the Turkish military offensive in Afrin, Syria, in 2018<\/a>, the question came up (again) whether state control was involved, directly or indirectly, and the case further divided the community. It will be interesting to follow how the next Patriarch is going to position himself with regard to the Genocide and the powerful politics of denial.<\/p>\n

Domestic Politics of Denial<\/h2>\n

On 24th<\/sup> April 2015, Armenians, Turks and Kurds gathered in Taksim Square, Istanbul, to commemorate the chilling events of 100 years prior: the destruction of Armenian Christians, otherwise known as the second Genocide of the twentieth century. As one scholar, Sossie Kasbarian, wrote regarding this demonstration of solidarity, \u201dCommemorating in the face of state denial is a political act and an act of defiance\u201d, one which was to symbolise \u201ca different present and a future\u201d.<\/a><\/p>\n

What appeared to be a watershed moment against the state\u2019s record of unrelenting denial – a phenomenon nearly as old as the Genocide itself – from the vantage point of 2019, however, proved nothing more than a momentary blip. Indeed, it was for the second consecutive year that Turkish police banned a commemorative event<\/a> to be held in Istanbul\u2019s Sultanahmet Square, on 24th<\/sup> April 2019; proof that any climate conducive to recognising the Genocide had noticeably regressed. That same day, President Erdo\u011fan shared his (and by extension Ankara\u2019s) most recent interpretation<\/a> of the \u201cevents of 1915\u201d: a \u201crelocation of the Armenian gangs \u2026 who massacred the Muslim people\u201d and, allegedly, \u201cthe most reasonable action that could be taken in such a period\u201d; asking for unity amongst \u201cthese two peoples\u201d \u2013 Turks and Armenians, presumably \u2013 in order to build a \u201cshared future\u201d and \u201cheal the wounds of the past\u201d.<\/p>\n

Such a non-apology has come to form the crux of Turkey\u2019s powerful denialism. It constitutes \u201cthe final stage of genocide<\/a>\u201d as the eminent genocide scholar Gregory Stanton put it, and indeed a bitter policy further soured by Article 301 of the Turkish criminal code which prosecutes genocide recognition at home; a crime, or \u201cinsult to Turkishness\u201d, punishable by imprisonment. Such legislation \u2013 which previously haunted talks regarding Turkey\u2019s possible accession to the EU<\/a> \u2013 runs contrary to freedom of thought and speech, democracy, human rights (including the right to memory) and pluralism, as defined in the EU\u2019s Copenhagen criteria. Indeed, it was in response to the assassination of Hrant Dink in 2007 \u2013 a Turkish-Armenian journalist murdered in Istanbul whilst on trial for speaking publicly of the Genocide \u2013 that the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) condemned Turkey for violating the journalist\u2019s right to freedom of expression<\/a>.<\/p>\n

International Dynamics of (Non)Recognition<\/h2>\n

Currently, twenty-seven countries, along with the Vatican and the European Parliament, have passed resolutions, laws or declarations, which, in line with the consensus of the International Association of Genocide Scholars, recognise the historical deportations and massacres of Armenian Christians as a Genocide. Yet this consensus, at least in the European context, is noticeably lacking one particular member; one who, in May 1915, back when it acted as if a policeman of the world, explicitly condemned \u201cthis new crime of Turkey against humanity and civilisation<\/a>\u201d: Britain, or its Foreign & Commonwealth Office (FCO) – the authority with regard to genocide recognition at state level – continues to shy away from using this onerous G-word, instead referring only to \u201cthe terrible suffering inflicted on the Armenian people and other groups living in the Ottoman Empire<\/a>\u201d. As of 2017, the FCO\u2019s unwavering (and perhaps legally flawed) policy – applied to cases both before and after 1948, the birth moment of the UN Genocide Convention – is that \u201cthe recognition of genocides is a matter for judicial decision rather than for governments or non-judicial bodies \u2026 International law cannot be applied retrospectively\u201d. (FCO written response to the Association of Ukrainians in Great Britain (AUGB) regarding the movement for Holodomor to be recognised as genocide [December, 2017]).<\/p>\n

On the other side of the Channel, however, France has been far more proactive – or receptive – in recognising the 1915 events as Genocide: the National Assembly did-so officially in January 2001, further criminalising denial in 2012, and, just this year, establishing a national day of commemoration on 24th <\/sup>April. This national day was announced by Macron in the context that \u201cFrance is, first and foremost, the country that knows how to look history in the face<\/a>\u201d; either oblivious to, or simply in disregard of, national inadequacies in confronting their Algerian chapter, not least the Paris massacres of October 1961. French officials, nonetheless, have been careful and quite explicit to explain that recognition should not be equated with blaming Turkey<\/a>, nor its government in power today, but rather the Young Turks\u2019 government of 1915.<\/p>\n

Their neighbours, Germany, did not debate the issue until one year after the centenary, with the Bundestag voting overwhelmingly (almost unanimously) in favour of a resolution to recognise the historical events as Genocide in June 2016. The resolution<\/a> stated that Germany\u2019s own historical legacy was involved, and President Gauck stressed that the German Empire actually bore some responsibility for failing to act in advance of and during the killing. Similar to the announcements in France then, it was made clear that this resolution should not translate into a blame game directed against Turkey of today<\/a>.<\/p>\n

In spite of qualifications that temper recognition at state level, and which aim to somewhat appease Ankara\u2019s anticipated fierce reaction, the G-word comes with a weighty political price tag. Indeed, in 2001, following the French law, Turkey swiftly recalled its ambassador to Paris, further boycotting French products and cancelling arms contracts it had only recently negotiated together<\/a>. Similarly, in response to Germany\u2019s 2016 resolution, the ambassador in Berlin was called back to Ankara, heightening tensions only months after a deal was struck between Turkey and the EU<\/a>, such that Turkey would agree to take back migrants, including Syrians, arriving by boats in Greece.<\/p>\n

It is small wonder, then, that (part of) Britain\u2019s reason \u2013 however socially or morally reprehensible \u2013 for not recognising the Genocide (made explicit in a 2010 FCO briefing), is precisely because \u201cthe UK prioritises relations with Turkey and Azerbaijan over relations with Armenia<\/a>\u201d.<\/p>\n

Consequences<\/h2>\n

Genocide recognition\/denial politics are hardly novel, whether past or present. Yet, it is the inconsistencies across countries that actually keep this political strategy alive. If all (EU) states followed the scholarly consensus and recognised in-law the atrocity as a Genocide, Ankara would have fewer pawns to play. Talk of the \u201cso-called Genocide\u201d could lose its traction as a geopolitical bargaining chip. International recognition could perhaps, at least on one level then, induce Turkey to confront the domestic situation that, itself, becomes more and more divided by such politics of denial. Yet, the momentum need also comes from within Turkish society itself. The voices present at Sultanahmet Square earlier this year need to be heard; or, better put, allowed to be heard, considering Article 301 and its accompanying democratic restrictions.<\/p>\n

Taken together, criticism must go to state policies of non-recognition, which only serve to aid socially and politically destructive denial of a historical legacy. A phenomenon which, implicitly, and so crudely, even contributes to making the events, as the French-Armenian artist Jean-Marie Carzou put it, un genocide exemplaire<\/em>: with every trace of the victimised group – even their posthumous status as genocide victims – destroyed, the perpetrators’ aims would be complete.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

The Armenian Genocide or, as it is labelled in mainstream Turkish discourse, the \u201cso-called Genocide,\u201d continues to fuel political tensions, both internationally and at home. Use of the G-word by governments worldwide invariably provokes a reaction from Ankara, whose genocide denial continues to shape and colour Turkish foreign policy as well as domestic matters. Strikingly enough, however, the most important institution of the Armenians in Turkey has also participated in the politics of denial in recent years. How do the politics of such genocide recognition and denial play out, and what do they imply?<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":149,"featured_media":10804,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[1125,1396],"tags":[1136,1210,1238],"coauthors":[573],"class_list":["post-13307","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-english-en","category-glokale-verflechtungen-en","tag-armenia","tag-genocide","tag-turkey"],"acf":[],"views":887,"yoast_head":"\nTurkey and the \u201cso-called\u201d Armenian Genocide: the politics of denial in European and domestic affairs - PRIF BLOG<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/blog.prif.org\/en\/2019\/09\/24\/turkey-and-the-so-called-armenian-genocide-the-politics-of-denial-in-european-and-domestic-affairs\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Turkey and the \u201cso-called\u201d Armenian Genocide: the politics of denial in European and domestic affairs - PRIF BLOG\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"The Armenian Genocide or, as it is labelled in mainstream Turkish discourse, the \u201cso-called Genocide,\u201d continues to fuel political tensions, both internationally and at home. 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Use of the G-word by governments worldwide invariably provokes a reaction from Ankara, whose genocide denial continues to shape and colour Turkish foreign policy as well as domestic matters. Strikingly enough, however, the most important institution of the Armenians in Turkey has also participated in the politics of denial in recent years. 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