{"id":15045,"date":"2026-02-06T09:37:41","date_gmt":"2026-02-06T08:37:41","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/blog.prif.org\/?p=15045"},"modified":"2026-02-06T09:37:42","modified_gmt":"2026-02-06T08:37:42","slug":"pushing-back-the-pushback-wps-power-politics-and-liberal-retreat","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/blog.prif.org\/en\/2026\/02\/06\/pushing-back-the-pushback-wps-power-politics-and-liberal-retreat\/","title":{"rendered":"Pushing Back the Pushback? WPS, Power Politics, and Liberal Retreat"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><strong>Twenty-five years after its adoption, the Women, Peace and Security agenda is operating within a different political landscape. Power politics is returning, militarization is accelerating, and the anti-rights pushback is intensifying. Yet the erosion of WPS is not only the result of an illiberal backlash; while many states continue to invoke the WPS agenda rhetorically, their substantive political commitment is waning. <\/strong><\/p>\n<p>In 2000, the UN Security Council unanimously adopted Resolution 1325. Rooted in the efforts of civil society and women\u2019s rights activists, the resolution was also shaped by the lessons of the mass atrocities in Rwanda and Bosnia, particularly their devastating impact on women and girls. It was these experiences that led the international community to lay the foundations for the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda. The resolution emerged at a moment marked by a broader confidence in multilateralism, international law, and liberal democracy (despite their evident limitations and exclusions). In the following years, gender equality policies increasingly entered the realm of state foreign and security policy, leading to the adoption of feminist foreign policies (FFP) by a number of states.<\/p>\n<p>FFP has often been framed as a corrective, if not an antidote, to state-centric geo- and power politics. Yet 25 years after the adoption of UNSCR 1325 these same dynamics are reasserting themselves. International law and the rules-based order are under strain, while expansionist logics and geopolitical competition are gaining ground. Global military spending has reached record levels, while budgets for international cooperation and humanitarian aid are being cut. At the same time, civic spaces are shrinking and backlash against gender equality is intensifying, closely linked to the global rise of authoritarianism. Several countries, among them Germany, have rolled-back their FFPs, and commitment to WPS is regressing.<\/p>\n<p>The 25th anniversary provided an opportunity to consider how these developments are shaping the implementation of the WPS agenda and whether it can withstand the ongoing pressure. To begin with, addressing this challenge requires governments to acknowledge how their own political choices contribute to the erosion of WPS.<\/p>\n<h2>Symbolic Commitments, Shrinking Political Will<\/h2>\n<p>In October, the 4th Ministerial Conference on Feminist Foreign Policy took place in Paris. With its FFP scrapped after the last elections, Germany was participating with a delegation from the Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ). Concluding the conference, 31 states signed a <a href=\"https:\/\/www.diplomatie.gouv.fr\/en\/french-foreign-policy\/feminist-diplomacy\/fourth-ministerial-conference-on-feminist-foreign-policy\/article\/adoption-of-the-joint-political-declaration-4th-ministerial-conference-on\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">joint political declaration<\/a>. This declaration not only reaffirmed their commitment to integrate and implement the WPS agenda but also recognized that \u201cfeminist-based approaches provide conditions for sustainable, resilient and inclusive societies and peace\u201d. In the current context \u2013 with the <a href=\"https:\/\/press.un.org\/en\/2023\/sc15184.doc.htm\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">most violent conflict since the end of WWII<\/a> and a \u00a0disproportionate impact on women, girls and marginalized groups \u2013 this is timely and necessary. Only recently the UN reported that between 2022 and 2024 cases of conflict-related sexual violence <a href=\"https:\/\/www.un.org\/sexualviolenceinconflict\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/10\/report\/united-nations-security-council-women-and-peace-and-security-report-of-the-secretary-general\/n2523645-1.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">increased by 87%<\/a>.<\/p>\n<p>However, <a href=\"https:\/\/www.un.org\/sexualviolenceinconflict\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/10\/report\/united-nations-security-council-women-and-peace-and-security-report-of-the-secretary-general\/n2523645-1.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">this year\u2019s report of the UN Secretary-General on WPS<\/a> shows stagnation and even regression in states\u2019 commitment to the WPS agenda. Key issues include women&#8217;s exclusion from peace processes, rising violence, shrinking funds for women&#8217;s organizations, and political resistance to the agenda.\u00a0Several states in the Global North <a href=\"https:\/\/www.tandfonline.com\/doi\/epdf\/10.1080\/14616742.2025.2600069?needAccess=true\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">have not renewed their National Action Plans on WPS<\/a>. Germany\u2019s NAP expired in 2024 \u2013 a new version is expected to be published in the spring of 2026. Other countries have announced their withdrawal from WPS-related commitments altogether, the United States being the most prominent among them.<\/p>\n<h2>Illiberal Backlash<\/h2>\n<p>In April last year, US Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth announced the abolition of the WPS program in his department, dismissing the agenda as \u201c<a href=\"https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/us\/pentagon-chief-cancels-program-women-security-that-was-signed-into-law-by-trump-2025-04-29\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">yet another woke, divisive social-justice\/Biden initiative that overburdens our commanders and troops<\/a>.\u201d This decision politicized what had previously been a bipartisan initiative \u2013 the WPS Act was initially signed by Donald Trump during his first term in October 2017. Being part of the massive funding cuts and Trump\u2019s isolationist \u201cAmerica-first\u201d approach, the US retreat from its WPS program <a href=\"https:\/\/www.e-ir.info\/2025\/05\/31\/donald-trumps-war-on-global-development\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">had far-reaching impact globally<\/a> \u2013 both through its financial impact but also its normative effect.<\/p>\n<p>More broadly, it marks a shift that placed the US, historically a supporter of liberal gender norms in international institutions, firmly within the global anti-rights camp, reinforcing networks that have been active across Europe and beyond for more than a decade. <a href=\"https:\/\/www.epfweb.org\/node\/1147\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">These networks<\/a>, composed of far-right governments, religious institutions, oligarchic funders and right-wing civil society groups, frame the commitment to gender equality as part of a broader \u201cgender ideology\u201d imposed by liberal international actors. Spearheaded by states such as Russia, Hungary, T\u00fcrkiye, China, and, most recently, the United States, these efforts extend beyond domestic politics. They seek to deploy the usage of <a href=\"https:\/\/academic.oup.com\/fpa\/article\/22\/1\/oraf036\/8374512?utm_source=authortollfreelink&amp;utm_campaign=fpa&amp;utm_medium=email&amp;login=false\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">anti-gender norms to advance a more illiberal global order<\/a> and to weaken multilateral institutions from within.<\/p>\n<h2>Liberal Backsliding<\/h2>\n<p>In recent months, this issue has taken center stage at nearly every conference on WPS or on FFP. Political representatives routinely framed it as the key challenge: they highlighted illustrative cases, presented the backlash as a rising tide, and insisted it must be stopped. Yet strikingly, few acknowledged their own positionality within this dynamic. The backlash appeared as an external, apolitical, almost natural phenomenon \u2013<em> a force majeure<\/em>, rather than the outcome of political choices or shifting power interests in which states themselves are deeply embedded.<\/p>\n<p>This overlooks how liberal states themselves contribute to gender backsliding through their own policy choices. It becomes particularly visible in growing militarization trends: while defense budgets expand, funding for preventive measures, gender equality, and feminist civil society organizations \u2013 both domestically and internationally \u2013 is declining. Nearly half of women\u2019s rights organizations operating in conflict-affected settings are <a href=\"https:\/\/www.unwomen.org\/en\/digital-library\/publications\/2025\/05\/at-a-breaking-point-the-impact-of-foreign-aid-cuts-on-womens-organizations-in-humanitarian-crises-worldwide#:~:text=Publication%20year:%202025&amp;text=The%20survey%20reached%20411%20organizations,centred%20in%20the%20humanitarian%20response.\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">projected to close due to shrinking financial support<\/a>. WPS is selectively promoted, often reduced to questions of operational effectiveness or women\u2019s representation within security institutions. Its broader preventive, transformative, and emancipatory ambitions are sidelined by short-term security concerns and national priorities. Inclusive approaches are frequently framed as a secondary issue in times of crisis. This approach does not counter the backlash; it actively contributes to it.<\/p>\n<h2>Pushing Back the Pushback?<\/h2>\n<p>It is this tension that has prompted feminist non-state actors and civil society organizations to discuss how the WPS agenda might be reclaimed from within. In the context of this year\u2019s anniversary, feminist actors urged to focus on non-state actors instead and to bring the agenda back to its roots, namely, the work of feminist mobilization, global women\u2019s rights, peace activism, and civil society engagement. Further suggested \u00a0approaches vary from stronger support for <a href=\"https:\/\/blog.prif.org\/2025\/11\/24\/whose-peace-which-security-decolonizing-the-women-peace-and-security-agenda-in-india\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">locally driven strategies<\/a> to <a href=\"https:\/\/theglobalobservatory.org\/2025\/10\/for-the-future-of-wps-look-beyond-the-un-interview-with-toni-haastrup\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">looking beyond the UN<\/a> for its implementation, with the aim of <a href=\"https:\/\/blog.prif.org\/2025\/11\/24\/whose-peace-which-security-decolonizing-the-women-peace-and-security-agenda-in-india\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">decolonizing an agenda<\/a> still strongly shaped by <a href=\"https:\/\/www.tandfonline.com\/doi\/full\/10.1080\/21624887.2021.1904192\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">racialized hierarchies<\/a>. Moreover, calls to prioritize peace and demilitarize the agenda are at the center of the debate.<\/p>\n<p>Yet, the agenda remains a milestone in efforts by states and governments to anchor gender dimensions in peace and conflict. One of the enduring strengths of the WPS agenda lies in the fact that it is among the most institutionalized and comprehensive frameworks for those efforts. But for the agenda to endure amid current global political dynamics it requires renewed political backing, adequate and sustained funding, and a clear recommitment to its preventive and transformative ambitions.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Twenty-five years after its adoption, the Women, Peace and Security agenda is operating within a different political landscape. Power politics is returning, militarization is accelerating, and the anti-rights pushback is intensifying. Yet the erosion of WPS is not only the result of an illiberal backlash; while many states continue to invoke the WPS agenda rhetorically, their substantive political commitment is waning.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":439,"featured_media":15042,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[1427,1125,1091],"tags":[1133,1208,1209,1145,1379],"coauthors":[1489],"class_list":["post-15045","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-25-years-of-women-peace-and-security","category-english-en","category-feminist-peace-research","tag-civil-society","tag-feminist-foreign-policy","tag-gender-en","tag-united-nations","tag-wps-en"],"acf":[],"views":699,"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v26.1.1 - https:\/\/yoast.com\/wordpress\/plugins\/seo\/ -->\n<title>Pushing Back the Pushback? 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