As the military standoff over Ukraine continues, both sides have attempted to mobilize international support for their respective positions. While Kiev has received increasingly robust NATO backing, Russia has turned to its “strategic partner” China. A recently published joint Sino-Russian statement has fueled speculation that Beijing could weigh in on Moscow’s side and perhaps even lead to the resurgence of competition between ideological blocs in world politics. However, diverging interests on Ukraine limit such cooperation in the short term. A long-term alignment between both sides is a more serious possibility, but can still be influenced by Western policy choices.
Die Ukraine-Krise: von der Deeskalation zur Konfliktlösung?
Nach Wochen kontinuierlich steigender Spannungen zeichnet sich aktuell mit Russlands Ankündigung eines partiellen Truppenabzugs eine moderate Entspannung, vielleicht gar so etwas wie eine Trendumkehr ab. Dennoch stehen sich die Positionen beider Seiten, der NATO und der Ukraine auf der einen sowie Russlands auf der anderen, nach zahllosen Gesprächsrunden unverändert unvereinbar gegenüber. Um aus der Konfrontationslogik auszusteigen, bedarf es einer prozessualen Lösung, die sowohl den Konflikt im Osten der Ukraine als auch die Stellung Russlands im Gefüge der europäischen Sicherheit adressiert.
The AU as Peacebuilder in The Gambia: Why pragmatic Peacebuilding is good, but not enough
The African Union’s (AU) peacebuilding efforts in The Gambia reflect the organization’s growing responsibility in this field. From 2018 to 2020, the AU deployed the African Union Technical Support Team to The Gambia (AUTSTG). Drawing on interviews and document and media analyses in 2020/2021, this PRIF Spotlight examines this novel mode of engagement and points out an emerging dilemma: The AUTSTG was successful as a technical and pragmatic intervention. However, this only came at the expense of supporting long-term political processes and thus undermined the AU‘s holistic peacebuilding policy.
Education for Global Citizenship: Insights from three International Programs
The fall 2021 PRIF@School session was all about Global Citizenship Education (GCED). Guest speakers from three international organizations presented their work in global education and subsequently engaged in a discussion with our community educators. In 2015, the United Nations have established GCED as a Sustainable Development Goal (SDG Target 4.7). But what does GCED mean? Do we need a global framework for civics and citizenship education? What are the core goals and what are successful approaches? What can individual teachers do to implement global perspectives in their schools? The PRIF@School discussion enabled educators, community members, and researchers to exchange ideas.
Eine militärisch autonome EU? Europäische Sicherheit und transatlantische Partnerschaft nach Afghanistan
Die Idee europäischer „Souveränität“ in der Sicherheitspolitik erlebt zur Zeit eine Renaissance. Besonders seit dem desaströs verlaufenen Rückzug westlicher Truppen aus Afghanistan sind die Rufe nach größerer militärischer Unabhängigkeit der EU von den USA wieder deutlich vernehmbar. Was dabei allzu leicht vergessen wird: Der Brexit hat das Ziel einer militärisch autonomen EU in noch weitere Ferne gerückt. Auf mittlere Sicht bleibt volle strategische Autonomie in diesem Bereich unrealistisch. Die beste Chance auf mehr europäische Handlungsfähigkeit liegt im Aufbau eines starken europäischen Pfeilers in der NATO.
A Guantánamo in Syria for European Jihadists is not a Solution
Despite previous European calls for the US to close Guantanamo Bay detention camp, established twenty years ago, several European countries are using similar de facto detention camps in Syria. This blog-post argues that detention camps controlled by Kurdish forces in northeast Syria are a security risk rather than a solution. Aside from humanitarian and legal arguments usually made in this context, recent developments in northeast Syria show that Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) is regrouping, illustrated by its high scale attack on the Ghweran prison in Al-Hasaka, in January 2022.
Olympische Spiele in Peking 2022 – Diplomatischer Boykott für mehr Menschenrechte?
Am 4. Februar 2022 beginnen die Olympischen Winterspiele in China. Einige Länder haben einen politischen Boykott aufgrund der massiven Menschenrechtsverletzungen durch das chinesische Regime verkündet. In der Geschichte der Olympischen Spiele gab es immer wieder umfassende sportliche Boykotte – unter anderem Montreal 1976, Moskau 1980 oder auch Los Angeles 1984. Ein Blick auf diese historischen Beispiele ermöglicht eine Einschätzung möglicher Wirkungen eines Olympiaboykotts. Die deutsche Bundesregierung konnte sich nicht zu einer eindeutigen Position zu einem möglichen Boykott der anstehenden Winterspiele durchringen. Zumindest tragen die Diskussionen darüber aber dazu bei, national und international die Aufmerksamkeit für chinesische Menschenrechtsverletzungen aufrecht zu erhalten.
Looking back to understand the present: The coup in Burkina Faso and the legacy of regional interventions
The third military coup in West Africa in less than a year happened on 23rd January 2022 in Burkina Faso. The government of ousted President Roch Marc Christian Kaboré was declared deposed, the constitution suspended, and parliament dissolved. The strong man behind the military take-over is Lieutenant Colonel Paul-Henri Sandaogo Damiba. Initial international reactions have called on the military to engage in dialogue and return to democratically constituted order. A delegation of ECOWAS and UN high representatives arrived in Ouagadougou to hold consultations in the country which will inform the ECOWAS summit on 3rd February 2022. Eyes are on the regional body following its harsh sanctions applied against neighboring Mali. While comparison with Mali is important to understand developments in the Sahel region, looking at the current situation in Burkina Faso through the prism of previous coups in the country as well as local experiences of regional interventions might yield more fruitful insights to understand what is going on.
Enhancing Coordination within the African Peace and Security Architecture
Over the last two decades, African states have demonstrated increasing agency in addressing conflicts by using their capacities at the national, sub-regional and continental levels. This newfound quest for inward solutions was ushered in by the formation of the African Union (AU) in 2001 which was empowered with normative and institutional mechanisms to coordinate African preventive and reactive approaches to crisis situations. Although this African agency is a welcome development, significant gaps remain in terms of harmonising various capacities within the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA). Further harmonization requires a critical rethinking of APSA’s coordination mechanisms in peace and security.
Investment in the Blue Economy for enhanced Maritime Security
The conventional understanding of maritime security is one that is viewed as battle-ready and state-centric. However, a more sustainable approach would be investment in the maritime sector under the Blue Economy (BE) lens. This would bring the general public into the fold of manning the marine space and frontiers, it would be essential in increasing the scope of security factors to be addressed. The incorporation of BE into African Peace and Security Architecture is vital in order to give it the required prominence within the continent’s peace and security agenda.
.jpg){kind=link}
