At the close of 2021 China remains one of the few foreign partners for Myanmar. Amid ongoing public resistance to the junta and violent protest suppression, Beijing and the new regime in Naypyidaw are looking for a new mode of mutually beneficial coexistence. The junta tries to buy China’s support and recognition through new bilateral projects, while China aims to create a safety net for its long-term interests in the country.
Militärische „Veto-Coups“ kamen in der Vergangenheit in den Staaten öfters vor, in denen die Streitkräfte eine führende gesellschaftliche Rolle einnehmen. In Südostasien spielt das Militär diese herausgehobene Rolle in Myanmar und Thailand – beide Staaten haben Erfahrungen mit Staatsstreichen gemacht. Am 1. Februar 2021 putschte in Myanmar erneut das Militär. Da die Armee des Landes enge und lange zurückreichende Verbindungen zur Armee Thailands hat und beide Armeen eine Tendenz zu Putschen haben, stellt sich die Frage, inwiefern der Staatsstreich vom Februar 2021 aus der Geschichte der Putsch(versuche) auf dem südostasiatischen Festland erklärt werden kann. Folgt Myanmar dem thailändischen Vorbild?
The recent military coup in Myanmar reversed a decade-long experiment towards incremental political liberalization. At the same time, it also brought China’s engagement there back into the spotlight, and initial Chinese reactions led to suspicions that Beijing had welcomed or even aided the return to military rule. However, the reality of China’s role in Myanmar’s democratic transition and simultaneous peace process is far more complicated, and instructive for its overall engagement in conflict societies.
Military “Veto” Coups have been prominent in countries where armed forces have played leading roles in society. In Southeast Asia, militaries have been prominent in Myanmar and Thailand, and the two countries have experienced their fair share of coups. The latest putsch occurred on February 1, 2021 in Myanmar. With Myanmar’s military having had a long and close relationship with Thailand’s armed forces, and both countries’ militaries prone to staging coups, one wonders to what extent Myanmar’s 2021 putsch can be explained in the context of the history of coups in mainland Southeast Asia. Does Myanmar follow the Thai model?
The May 2020 arrest of Félicien Kabuga brought an end to a manhunt spanning 26 years and two continents. The capture of the elusive alleged financier of the infamous RTLM hate speech radio station shows the importance of documenting hate speech for court proceedings if and when fugitives are eventually arrested. Today, extremist hate and atrocity speech in the context of genocide and war crimes takes place and is spread online. However, social media platforms have been slow to respond to and document it, and to cooperate with international authorities in doing so.