Men in military uniforms on stage, raising their hands in the air.
August 6, 2023: General Abdourahmane Tchiani, Commander of the Presidential Guard Regiment, who headed the transitional government, attends the demonstration of coup supporters at a stadium in the capital city of Niger, Niamey. Photo: © picture alliance / AA | Balima Boureima.

Back in Business or Never Out? Military Coups and Political Militarization in Sub-Sahara Africa

This Spotlight discusses the resurgence of military coups in Sub-Saharan Africa. We argue that an analytical and political focus on coup events misses out on the bigger picture of military influence in politics. Introducing the new Multidimensional Measures of Militarization (M3) dataset, we demonstrate that African countries that were part of the recent wave of coups, previously showed signs of political militarization such as military veto powers and impunity. We conclude that these subtle forms of military influence can serve as early warning indicators for military coups.

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DR Congo flag in a village.
The protests in the Democratic Republic of Congo demonstrate that regional military initiatives are no panacea for multi-level security challenges. | Photo: Fiston Wasanga/CIFOR-ICRAF via flickr | CC BY-NC-ND 2.0

Regional Solutions to Regional Problems? Protests in the DRC Highlight the Challenges of Regional Military Peace Operations

Just three months since the first deployment of military contingents, the East African Force in the Democratic Republic of Congo has become heavily contested by Congolese activists and parts of the Congolese population. The protests, which took place in Kinshasa, Goma and Bukavu, powerfully demonstrate that regional military initiatives are no panacea for multi-level security challenges but may in fact run the risk of intensify existing challenges and conflict dynamics.

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Redwan Hussien Rameto, Representative of the Ethiopian government, and Getachew Reda, Representative of the TPLF, sign the peace agreement “Cessation of Hostilities Agreement” in Pretoria on November 2, 2022.
Redwan Hussien Rameto, Representative of the Ethiopian government, and Getachew Reda, Representative of the TPLF, sign the peace agreement “Cessation of Hostilities Agreement” in Pretoria on November 2, 2022. | Photo: © picture alliance / EPA | Alet Pretorius

Prospects for Peace in Tigray. An assessment of the peace agreement between the Ethiopian government and the TPLF

On November 2, 2022, the Ethiopian federal government and representatives of the Tigrayan rebels concluded an agreement intended to end the devastating civil war in the region. What some consider to be the world’s deadliest active conflict has caused tens of thousands battle-related fatalities and even more civilian victims due to famine and lack of medical service during the last two years. This Spotlight discusses the prospects of the current peace agreement and potential pitfalls that may undermine its stability.

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Wladimir Putin und die russische Delegation sitzen an einem Konferenztisch gegenüber von Paul Kagame und der ruandischen Delegation.
Treffen des russischen und ruandischen Präsidenten mit Delegationen zum Russland-Afrika-Gipfel. | Foto: Paul Kagame via flickr | CC BY-NC-ND 2.0

Russlands Einflussnahme auf dem afrikanischen Kontinent

Sergei Lawrows jüngste Afrikareise unterstreicht noch einmal, dass Russland international keineswegs so isoliert ist, wie wir uns das im Westen wünschen. Sie bestätigt das Bild, das schon bei der Abstimmung in der UN-Vollversammlung Anfang März über die Resolution zur Verurteilung der russischen Invasion sichtbar wurde. Damals enthielten sich rund 25 der 55 afrikanischen Länder, darunter Schwergewichte wie Mosambik, Angola, Sudan, Südafrika und Mali. Während die VertreterInnen anderer Länder gar nicht erst erschienen, stimmte Eritrea sogar gegen eine Verurteilung. Diese Haltung überrascht auch deshalb, weil Russland mit dem Überfall auf die Ukraine erklärtermaßen zwei Normen verletzt, die in besonderer Weise konstitutiv sind – gerade für afrikanische Sicherheit: Zum einen das Uti possidetis-Prinzip, demzufolge bestehende Grenzen nicht verändert werden dürfen, ganz unabhängig davon, wie historisch ungerecht ihr Zustandekommen gewesen sein mag und ob sie anderen Prinzipien wie dem der nationalen Selbstbestimmung entgegenstehen; zum anderen das Verbot des erzwungenen Regimewechsels.

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To foster agency for African actors, it is necessary for all involved to deal with the colonial heritage that is still inherent to peace processes. |
Photo: Chang Qing on Unsplash | Free Use

Non-State Actors in Peace and Security in Africa: Inclusion on Paper but not in Practice

In a speech at the fifth United Nations-African Union Annual Conference on 1 December 2021 in New York, Secretary General of the United Nations António Guterres called for continued unity and a high standard of regional co-operation on the African continent. According to Guterres, examples of this high standard of cooperation can be seen in the joint missions and collaborative frameworks designed to overcome both new and old challenges around peace and security. However, since not only states play a vital role in this unity it is important to review the role of non-state actors in peace and security on the African continent.

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In Gambia voting is done by casting a glass marble in one of the containers that are painted in the respective candidate’s color. | Photo: flickr, Commonwealth Secretariat | CC BY-NC 2.0

#GambiaDecides2021: A Sign of Democratic Hope?

Wherever you go in the Gambia, you will find people in the streets chattering about the presidential election surrounded by an air of excitement. Gambians call this chatter ‘gisgis’ and it is all about politics these days. On 4 December 2021, Gambians went to the polls. The first elections without the former 22 year-long president Yahya Jammeh contesting passed peacefully. His successor Adama Barrow, elected in 2016 quite surprisingly, was confirmed in power. With that, the Gambia passed a litmus test: having decided for continuity in times of change, Gambians send a strong signal of democratic practice to the region.

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Welche Afrika-Politik formulieren die verschiedenen Parteien im Wahlkampf 2021? | Photo: flickr, Paul Kagame. | CC BY-NC-ND 2.0

Zusammenarbeit mit Afrika: Parteipolitische Positionen im Vergleich

In ihren afrikapolitischen Leitlinien von 2019 beschreibt die amtierende deutsche Bundesregierung die Zukunft Europas und Afrikas als „untrennbar verbunden“ und strebt an, die Zusammenarbeit zwischen den Kontinenten zu intensivieren. Abseits der zentralen Themen, die im Vorfeld der Bundestagswahl 2021 den Wahlkampf dominieren, lohnt demnach auch ein Blick auf jene, die weniger im öffentlichen Fokus stehen, darunter zum Beispiel die afrikapolitischen Positionen der Parteien. Wie äußern sich also die Parteien im Vorfeld der Bundestagswahl 2021 mit Blick auf den afrikanischen Kontinent?

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