Stack of boxes with the USAID logo and writing "USAID. From the American people." in the foreground. In the background there is an airfield with a helicopter.
USAID improved people’s living conditions around the world and provided disaster relief. | Photo: USAID via flickr | CC BY-S 2.0

USAID Facing its End? Likely Consequences for International Democracy Promotion

The US government under President Donald Trump has announced a comprehensive shakeup of the US development aid agency USAID. The talk ranges from restructuring or integration into the State Department to complete closure of the organization. Immediately after the announcement, USAID funding was frozen for an initial 90 days and thousands of employees and contractors worldwide are laid off. With the end of USAID as we know it, a fundamental upheaval in international development cooperation and democracy promotion is imminent. 

Notably, the US is currently the largest donor of Official Development Assistance (ODA). In 2023, the US spent almost $65 billion on ODA, out of which USAID expended almost was responsible $50 billion. USAID’s mission, as mandated by the US Congress, includes promoting socio-economic development and improving people’s living conditions around the world, particularly in the Global South. This includes ongoing reconstruction aid to Ukraine. USAID is also one of the most important international players in the support of democracy and human rights.

In the past, USAID has always been closely linked to the foreign and economic policy interests of the US. Critics have accused USAID of representing a (neo-)liberal, neo-colonialist world view or acting as an extension of US security policy interests, among other things. This criticism could certainly have justified substantive reforms. The drastic restructuring or perhaps even closure would go far beyond a simple reform.

As members of the Research Network External Democracy Promotion, we project titanic long-term consequences for international development cooperation and democracy promotion if the announced plans are fully implemented. We draw particular attention to four potential consequences:

Destruction of established partnerships

The abrupt termination of many or even all projects are destroying an extensive, well-established network of partnerships. There were already signs of cuts in the US development budget before Donald Trump took office. The current situation goes far beyond that. If the US government continues to dismantle USAID at the current pace, it will create path dependencies that will be difficult to reverse. The unilateral termination of cooperation agreements, the dismantling of trust-based partnerships, and the loss of experienced staff will make it difficult to rebuild networks and trust, even if US development policy is realigned at a later date. Overall, the US is at risk of losing its principal and fundamental instrument of soft power.

Loss of vital development projects

Countless projects in the countries of the Global South that represent central pillars of health management (e.g. vaccination campaigns), peacebuilding or humanitarian aid are already being discontinued or put on hold. These projects often complement (weak) state structures and in particular benefit vulnerable groups such as women and children. The loss of this support risks leading to considerable social and economic instability. In addition, the US is signaling a loss of solidarity in its international relations with these massive cuts.

Leaving the field open for autocratic actors

The discontinuation of USAID programs would leave an enormous funding gap and a power vacuum. Autocratic donors such as China, the Gulf States or Russia stand ready to fill this gap to broaden their own authoritarian networks and generate new dependencies. For Russia, for example, this could prove to be a strategic opportunity to forge a broader network of potential allies. The dismantling of USAID therefore has far-ranging security policy relevance.

Fatal signaling effects and further erosion of democracy

The impending closure of USAID signals that democracy promotion is no longer a priority in US foreign policy. That risks to spread to other democracy-promoting actors also reducing or even discontinuing democracy-promoting programs. In addition, the domestic politics of Western democracies risk being affected if Western governments follow the US government and weaken their own democratic norms and institutions. Populist and extremist movements will feel emboldened by the Trump administration to further undermine democratic institutions and principles. Thus, signaling effects in both the international and domestic spheres will likely further reinforce the global trend towards democratic backsliding, especially in politically fragile democracies or those challenged by populist forces. Last but not least, the destruction of USAID sends a disheartening signal to democratic movements and opposition forces in authoritarian states. These movements committed to democratic values and positive change in their societies, are now at even greater personal risk. They are deprived of important and often decisive support for concrete action.

 

With the Trump administration’s decision, international development cooperation and democracy promotion are facing the most fundamental turning point since the end of the Cold War. At that time, the systemic bloc confrontation between capitalist democracies and socialist dictatorships came to an end, which led to a reassessment and reorientation of Western democracy promotion. The withdrawal of the US will cause another fundamental shift in the international development architecture, with far-reaching geopolitical and normative consequences.

What do these developments mean for Europe?  European governments and their development agencies must prove that they stand by their partners in the Global South and elsewhere (such as Ukraine), regardless of the US administration’s decisions, and that they will continue to support development projects financially. The fourth United Nations Financing for Development Conference in June 2025 offers a good opportunity to then reaffirm commitment to global solidarity. The European Union must live up to its self-defined role as a normative foreign policy power, i.e. it should actively promote development and democracy and credibly support a rule-based multilateral order. Critically, Europeans should not leave the field to authoritarian forces without a fight.

This article has previously been published on edp wire.

Sonja Grimm
Dr. Sonja Grimm ist Professorin für Internationale Beziehungen und Europaforschung an der Universität Würzburg und sie forscht zu internationalem Krisenmanagement sowie zu Fragen der Demokratisierung und des Staatsaufbaus in Entwicklungs-, Schwellen-, fragilen und Postkonflikt-Ländern. Sie ist über das Forschungsnetzwerk Externe Demokratieförderung (EDP) mit dem PRIF verbunden. /// Dr Sonja Grimm is Professor for International Relations and European Studies at Würzburg University. In her research, she specializes in the field of crisis management, democratization and state-building in developing, transitioning, fragile and post-conflict contexts. She is affiliated with PRIF through the Network External Democracy Promotion (EDP).
Tina Margarete Freyburg
Dr. Tina Freyburg ist Professorin für Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft an der Universität St.Gallen in der Schweiz. Sie erforscht internationale und europäische Politik, Demokratie und Demokratisierung sowie Informations- und Kommunikationstechnologien. Mit dem PRIF ist sie durch das Forschungsnetzwerk External Democracy Promotion (EDP) verbunden. // Dr Tina Freyburg is Professor of Comparative Politics at the University of St.Gallen, Switzerland. Her work focuses comparative international and European politics, democracy and democratization as well as information and communication technologies. She is affiliated with PRIF through the Research Network External Democracy Promotion (EDP).
Tina Margarete Freyburg

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Julia Leininger
Dr. Julia Leininger leitet die Forschungsabteilung „Transformation politischer (Un-)Ordnung“ am German Institute of Development and Sustainability (IDOS). Ihre Arbeitsschwerpunkte umfassen Demokratieförderung und Demokratieschutz, Autokratisierung, Zukunftsszenarien sowie Gesellschaftlicher Zusammenhalt und Krisenprävention. Sie ist über das Forschungsnetzwerk Externe Demokratieförderung (EDP) mit dem PRIF verbunden. // Dr Julia Leininger is Head of the Research Department “Transformation of political (dis-)order”. Her work areas include democracy protection, autocratization, scenario of political and sustainable futures and social cohesion and crisis prevention. She is affiliated with PRIF through the Research Network External Democracy Promotion.
Solveig Richter
Dr. Solveig Richter ist Professorin für Internationale Beziehungen und transnationale Politik an der Universität Leipzig und forscht zu externer Demokratieförderung in Postkonflikt- und Transformationsgesellschaften, der Friedenskonsolidierung nach Konflikten sowie der Wirksamkeit von Instrumenten der zivilen Krisen- und Konfliktbearbeitung. Sie ist über das Forschungsnetzwerk Externe Demokratieförderung (EDP) und das Deutsch-Kolumbianische Friedensinstitut CAPAZ mit der PRIF verbunden. // Dr Solveig Richter is Professor for International Relations and Transnational Politics at Leipzig University. Her focus lies on external democracy promotion in post-conflict and transition societies, post-conflict peacebuilding and on the effectiveness of instruments of civil crisis and conflict management. She is affiliated with PRIF through both the Research Network on External Democracy Promotion (EDP) and the German-Colombian Peace Institute CAPAZ.
Jonas Wolff
Prof. Dr. Jonas Wolff ist Vorstandsmitglied und Leiter des Programmbereichs „Innerstaatliche Konflikte“ am PRIF und Professor für Politikwissenschaft an der Goethe-Universität Frankfurt. Seine Forschungsschwerpunkte sind Demokratie und politischer Wandel, soziale Proteste und Konfliktdynamiken sowie außen- und entwicklungspolitische Fragen. Sein regionaler Schwerpunkt ist Lateinamerika. // Prof. Dr Jonas Wolff is Member of the Executive Board and Head of the Research Department “Intrastate Conflict” at PRIF and professor of political science at the Goethe-University Frankfurt. His research focuses on democracy and political change, social protests and conflict dynamics, and foreign and development policy issues. His regional focus is Latin America.

Sonja Grimm

Dr. Sonja Grimm ist Professorin für Internationale Beziehungen und Europaforschung an der Universität Würzburg und sie forscht zu internationalem Krisenmanagement sowie zu Fragen der Demokratisierung und des Staatsaufbaus in Entwicklungs-, Schwellen-, fragilen und Postkonflikt-Ländern. Sie ist über das Forschungsnetzwerk Externe Demokratieförderung (EDP) mit dem PRIF verbunden. /// Dr Sonja Grimm is Professor for International Relations and European Studies at Würzburg University. In her research, she specializes in the field of crisis management, democratization and state-building in developing, transitioning, fragile and post-conflict contexts. She is affiliated with PRIF through the Network External Democracy Promotion (EDP).

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